Did Nehru inspire Dhaka’s principles of state policy?
Holiday,13 July,2012
I came across a news item in a
recent issue of a New York Bangla weekly that left me wondering. A visitor from
Bangladesh, one of the many from Bangladesh’s cultural/literary/educational
spheres who are regularly invited to the United States by the highly partisan
Bangladesh expatriate community in this country, said in a gathering of
Bangladeshis in New York that democracy, nationalism, socialism and secularism
have been made the 4 principles of state policy in the Bangladesh Constitution
on the advice of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru! I was not reading seriously and was
casually flipping the Weekly’s pages. When I realized what I was reading, I had
to read it again to make sure I was not dreaming. Pandit Nehru died in 1964 and
Bangladesh became independent in 1971.
I have been a student of Political
Science in Dhaka University in the 1960s and also taught the subject there. The
subject that I read and taught required that I read whatever was available on
politics, particularly on history of the movement for Pakistan and Bangladesh.
I did not lose my interest in politics and history through my long diplomatic
career. The news drew my curiosity and attention because it was the first time
that I came upon such an astounding story.
The story was dated when Pandit Nehru was the Prime Minister
of India. According to what the visitor said as reported in the weekly,
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Manik Miah met Shashankha Banarjee, an
Indian diplomat then posted in Dhaka and gave him a letter addressed to
the Indian Prime Minister from Manik Miah (!!) seeking Indian help for creating
the independent state of Bangladesh. The story was datelined sometime in
1962.
It was proposed in the letter that
Sheikh Mujib would go to London and declare independence of Bangladesh from
there in March, 1963(!!). Sheikh Mujib became impatient when the letter was
unanswered because he was convinced that he needed India’s assistance to
liberate Bangladesh. He thus went to Agartala and contacted the Indian Prime
Minister through the Chief Minister of the province. The visitor, who happens
to be a Dhaka University history teacher, did not mention what happened between
1962 and 1968 or about the plan to declare independence of Bangladesh from
London. He went on to say nevertheless that because of the trip to Agartala,
the Pakistanis brought the Agartala conspiracy case against Sheikh Mujib
although according to him, Sheikh Mujib was not deeply involved in that
case.
The visitor however indicated that
Sheikh Mujib eventually received an answer to his letter from Pandit Nehru. He
did not mention when exactly Jawaharlal Nehru wrote that letter to Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman. Nevertheless, he gave some details of the letter. Jawaharlal
Nehru “advised” Sheikh Mujib to wait for that day for India’s support when
millions would stand behind him for his movement for the independence of
Bangladesh. When exactly Pandit Nehru advised Sheikh Mujibur Rahman about the
state principles was not clear. The visitor simply claimed that the four state
principles have found their way in our constitution because of the advice of
Pandit Nehru to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
The incredible story that he narrated
to his New York audience was based on a book written by an Indian diplomat who
supposedly had the meeting in Dhaka with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Manik Miah.
As further evidence, the Bangladeshi visitor said that a nephew of Sheikh Mujib
corroborated the script of the Indian diplomat in a book he wrote. Jawaharlal
Nehru’s connection with Bangladesh and his recommendation to Sheikh Mujib on
the state principles of a future state of Bangladesh are based on these two
sources!
The weekly’s news had me scratching
why someone would make up such an absurd story. Anyone with any sense of
Bangladesh’s history would dismiss it as absurd for many reasons. In 1962,
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, our deepest respect for him notwithstanding, was a
provincial leader. He had not by then emerged as the great leader that he
ultimately became in the late 1960s. He may have written the letter to Pandit
Nehru but why would the Indian Prime Minister answer that letter from a
provincial leader? Cleary the visitor has exposed his ignorance about the
rudiments of how states such as India conduct diplomacy.
Even if one accepted that the letter
from Sheikh Mujib eventually reached the Indian Prime Minister, why would he
answer it? In one applied common sense, the answer is a simple one. Unless for
some brief moment Pandit Nehru had lost sanity, he had no business even in
attaching any importance to Sheikh Mujib’s letter, let alone answer to it. If
Sheikh Mujib’s letter would have interested him in anyway, he would have asked
someone way down the political ladder to answer it.
There is no reason to doubt the
sincerity of the visitor in his respect and love for Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. His
intentions were also no doubt genuine, to project Sheikh Mujib as a great man
and a great leader. Unfortunately, he picked upon a fiction with too many wrong
plots to harm Sheikh Mujib’s claims to greatness instead of enhancing it. He
has raised a host of legal issues that, if correct, would project Sheikh Mujib
exactly as the Pakistanis would like; that he was trying to break up Pakistan
by means that were illegal as early as 1962. It would only strengthen and
justify Pakistan Government’s accusations and actions against Sheikh
Mujib.
Sheikh Mujib was a great democratic
leader who fought for the rights of Bengalis by constitutional means till he
was left with no alternatives by the Pakistanis for constitutional negotiations
anymore following the crackdown of March 25, 1971. Even on March 7 when there
was under great pressure for UDI (unilateral declaration of independence), he
resisted and delivered a speech that alone should place him among the great
leaders of modern history. Had he declared UDI that day, he would have given
the Pakistanis the opportunity to crack down and still not be blamed for
whatever action they would have taken. In the period when this plot was said to
have been conceived, any attempt to break a country by any means was
unacceptable. Right of self determination then was worth no more than lip
service up front and cracked down under the principle of territorial integrity
of a country that was simply sacrosanct with brute force if need be. That was
what happened to the attempt by the Biafrans.
It was the waiting game that Sheikh
Mujib played that forced the hands of the Pakistanis leading them to commit
crimes against humanity. That is what gave the Bangladesh movement the great
stamp of legitimacy and won for Sheikh Mujib instant recognition as a great
leader and statesman and the Bangladesh movement for liberation, instant
support of peoples all over the world. Earlier of course Sheikh Mujib had won
the national elections of November, 1970 comprehensively emerging as the
unquestioned leader in the then East Pakistan. Even then, because the emergence
of Bangladesh threatened to legitimize secession, except for India and the
Soviet Union, at the government level, our war of liberation did not receive
support anywhere.
Many in Bangladesh love and respect
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as a great nationalist leader. They also feel proud that
under his leadership the people of Bangladesh rose and liberated the country
through the glorious liberation war in which military leadership was given by
heroes like Ziaur Rahman who announced the independence of Bangladesh once the
Pakistanis incarcerated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. To be told now that Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman had approached India in 1962 for liberating Bangladesh destroys
his credentials as a nationalist leader and shows him as a conspirator. It also
casts shadow on our glorious war of liberation in which our brave freedom
fighters showed the world that we were more than capable of earning our
liberation on our own.
India of course supported our
liberation war for its own interests. Today it has a benign neighbour in
Bangladesh instead of a nuclear Pakistan. It is the importance of that India in
Bangladesh’s history and politics that the visitor has tried to propagate by
giving Pandit Nehru the credit for our state principles. Unfortunately here
too, he ended by humiliating him and India by showing that as early as 1962,
India was actively engaged in breaking Pakistan that is not going to do the
image of the great Indian leader any good.
Panditji was the great leader of the
Non-Aligned Movement, propagating to the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin
America the principles of peaceful co-existence. In fact, with China, he had
established the Five Principle of Peaceful Co-existence or Panchasheela, of
which the first and the third principles specifically prohibited any country
from interfering in the internal affairs of another country.
The Bangladeshi visitor has shown
Panditji as a leader who said one thing in public and practiced the opposite in
reality; the very contrast of the principles of Panchasheela with which he
found for himself a place in history. Of course, Panditji remains a great
leader of his times who would do nothing like what was attributed to him. It
was the Bangladeshi visitor’s misrepresentation of history with intentions that
do not appear to be honest that has placed doubts on the impeccable credentials
of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru.
The visitor left me convinced by
what he said that his intention was primarily to project India and its
importance to Bangladesh. He is not alone in trying to do what he did in New
York. There are quite a few of our compatriots who try to make us believe that
India is a great country and that it was a mistake that we have made in opting
out of it in 1947. I have no doubt about India’s greatness. In fact, since
1947, India has become even greater and more powerful. However, for those who
try to give this twist to our history, the facts need to be recounted. Pakistan
was created in 1947 primarily because of the support of Bengal. In fact without
Bengal’s support, Pakistan would not have seen the light of day. It is one of
the ironies of history that Pakistan remains in the hands of those who opposed
its creation in 1947 and was discarded by those who created it.
It is regrettable that the Pakistani
leaders twisted the contributions of Bengal and instead treated us with
contempt even to the extent of trying to impose the minority Urdu language over
the majority Bengali language of Pakistan together with imposing on us a
neo-colonial style of governance. That failure of the Pakistani leadership gave
the cause of Bengali nationalism its greatest impetus. However, these facts are
in no way any indication that we would have been better off without the
partition of 1947. If the 1947 partition had not occurred, we would have
remained no better than Paschim Bangla (PB) that is now one of the weakest of
India’s provinces.
In fact, if India had not been
portioned in 1947, we would have been weaker than PB and in the same bracket as
the seven impoverished provinces of India in its northeast. Instead we are
today a sovereign country with a GDP over US$ 100 billion and over 8 million of
our people living abroad and a future that could have been immensely better
than what it is had our political house been in order. But as it is
unquestionably better than it would have been without the 1947 partition.
Besides, we are free which is priceless! To understand and appreciate this
freedom, we need to take a look at the status of Muslims in India. In PB,
Trinamool came to power after 3 decades of Communist rule with the support of
the Muslim vote. Although Muslims makeup 33% of the population of PB, their
representation in government jobs was less than 3% before the elections that
brought Trinamool to power. The Trinamool has been in power for nearly a year
with no good news yet for the Muslims of PB. Instead its Chief Minister has
come in the way of Bangladesh’s legitimate interests from India.
The Bangladeshi community in the US
is now close to a million. A lot of them are doing exceptionally well in their
adopted country. In places such as New York they are emerging as a community
with leverage in both state and national politics. None of them are ever going
to return to Bangladesh to live again. It is good that they love Bangladesh but
the same cannot be said of their inclination to bring visitors such as the one
on whose controversial statement I have written this piece. They come and
spread the same venom that they spread within the country to keep the community
from realizing the vast potentials that it has in USA. The Bangladeshi expatriates
should consider spending more time if it is politics they are interested in for
politics of their adopted country instead of wasting it on politics of
Bangladesh. No other expatriate community in the USA or anywhere else does
that.
The writer is a former Ambassador to
Japan and Egypt.
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